• Mar 11, 2024
  • 7 minutes

(ISN Blog)
One year ago, on July 1st 2011, Moroccans went to the polls to vote on a constitutional reform proposed by their ruler, King Mohammed VI. Although not making headlines as often as its neighbors who also experienced uprisings, Morocco has undoubtedly entered a transitional period, albeit one that is influenced by its monarchical system of government. It appears that the consequences of the Arab Spring differ depending on the forms of government and political systems in place. While protesters have toppled governments in republics like Egypt, Tunisia, and Yemen, the Arab monarchies such as Morocco, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia have remained intact. And as other monarchies contemplate what sort of reforms to undertake – as in Jordan and Kuwait, for example – Morocco has already embarked on democratic processes.
Although Morocco followed the pattern of the Arab Spring uprisings, its experience is nonetheless unique and worth exploring. In contrast to the demands of the Tunisians, Egyptians, Yemenis, and Libyans, Moroccans demanded reform instead of regime change. Whether the resulting reforms are a sufficient foundation for democracy and satisfactory to the populace remains to be seen.
Key Conclusions
A year after the adoption of the new constitution, the political situation in Morocco is still unfolding as the Islamist party is trying to govern under a monarchical system, while the main opposition party, the PAM, has been empowered by the new constitution. Morocco is without a doubt entering an important period in its history. Reforms were and still are necessary in order to bring an end to the years of tyranny Moroccans are unfortunately too familiar with. Whether this constitutional reform will be the only royal act towards change or the first of many reforms is the central question. This could be a major precedent towards establishing an exemplary Arab democratic state or a breakdown indicative of the monarchy’s unwavering control.
Morocco’s importance lies not only in the fact that the country is a close ally of the US and the West, but the Moroccan reforms could serve as an example for other countries with an Islamist party in power. Despite the major differences in, for example, the role of the army in Egypt, the Salafi presence in Tunisia, or the lack of security in Libya, a positive experience emanating from Morocco would be beneficial and be a good example for others to follow.
Analysis
Egyptians wanted the fall of Mubarak; Tunisians the fall of Ben Ali and his family-dominated regime; and Yemenis wanted an end to Saleh’s 33 years in power. Moroccans, on the other hand, have demanded reforms of the system.
Responding to the repression and oppression they have lived under since 1961, and inspired by the millions of people in the region who were brave enough to speak up, Moroccans took to the streets last year in protest. Along with the rest of the Arab population, people were angered by the overwhelming social inequality, corruption, unemployment, lack of basic freedoms, and most importantly, the makhzen – a Moroccan term used to describe the elitist group of individuals close to the establishment and monarchy who run the country. These shared frustrations sparked collaboration, ultimately tearing down the barrier of fear.
The mass protest movement was led by a youth group called the February 20th Movement for Change, named after the date planned for the first nation-wide protest. Armed with nothing but the will to change the face and fate of their country, desperate citizens tired of the status quo took to the streets in all major cities every Sunday and quickly grew to numbers in the thousands.
On March 9th 2011, King Mohammed VI responded to these protests by announcing the formation of a commission tasked with drafting a new constitution to be put to a referendum. According to the king, the new constitution would “consolidate the rule of law … promote all types of human rights … strengthen the principle of separation of powers …” It would also choose the prime minister from the party who wins the majority of legislative elections – a right previously belonging exclusively to the king. Though some were in favor of the king’s reform plan, his speech did not completely satisfy popular demands.
Political analysts as well as critics of the monarchy, such as Ahmed Benchemsi, currently a visiting scholar at Stanford University, reacted to the speech by saying: “Yes, Mohammed VI’s March 9 speech was indeed historic. But no, it is not because it announced a major constitutional reform.” In other words, the king’s speech was historic in context but not in content. Leaders of the February 20th Movement similarly deemed the king’s attempt to meet the needs of the protesters insufficient. They pointed out that the commission drafting the new constitution was chosen by the king himself, making it unrepresentative of the people it should be protecting. However, despite criticism, on July 1st Moroccans – both at home and abroad – voted on the newly drafted constitution. It passed with an overwhelming majority of 98% in favor of the change. Then, in response to the continuing protests and the calls for a new government, the prime minister at the time, Abbas al-Fassi, called for early legislative elections to take place immediately after the referendum.
After the government’s resignation, legislative elections took place on November 25, 2011. Political groups such as the Independence Party (Istiqlal) or the Socialist Union of Popular Forces (USFP), as well as individuals close to the regime who have been sharing the power for the past few decades, were natural losers in this wave of reform. In peoples’ eyes, they symbolized the need for change. This left two polar opposite parties: the moderate-appearing Islamist Justice and Development Party touting the Turkish model, and known by its French acronym PJD, and the newly-formed (and close to the king) Authenticity and Modernity Party, known by its French acronym PAM.
As in most nations in post-Arab Spring elections, the previously-oppressed Islamist parties were seen as agents of change and ultimately the PJD won 27% of the votes, while the PAM came in fourth with only 12%. For the first time in Moroccan history, the king was forced by the people to choose a prime minister from the winning party – the PJD – as stated in the new constitution, setting Morocco apart from the rest of the monarchies. This was a source of optimism not only for Morocco, but for Arab countries emerging from post-revolutionary period and transitioning towards a democratic state.
Meanwhile, the rest of the Arab monarchies are grappling with the paths to reform as they are in the process of identifying what these reforms will be, as opposed to Morocco, which is already implementing a reform process.
Saudi Arabia has been trying to save the species of Arab monarchies by reinforcing them in the Gulf. The decision to include both Morocco and Jordan in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) was consistent with this policy – which, however, failed because of objection by other GCC members.
In Jordan, King Abdullah announced a series of reforms and has already replaced the prime minister three times in the past 18 months. Elections are due this year, although the exact date has not been confirmed. The Islamist parties are boycotting these elections, though King Abdullah recently urged them to take part in the process. The protest movement has certainly been small compared to the mass uprisings across the region, but so far King Abdullah has made some constitutional changes in order to satisfy public demands while keeping the monarchy intact.
Moreover, the complex situation in Syria is dividing the Jordanian elite. Some argue that supporting the Syrian opposition will indirectly help the main opposition groups: the Islamist parties, particularly the Muslim Brotherhood. Jordan is fearful of Islamist parties gaining support and momentum ahead of the elections, if they end up taking part in the process. On the other hand, others argue that not supporting the opposition movement in Syria will be a major issue between the Jordanian Kingdom and its friends and allies in the GCC, including Saudi Arabia, who are economically supporting Jordan.
In Bahrain, the crackdown on protesters was the harshest amongst the monarchies, as the Shi’a majority strove to follow the Tunisian and Egyptian examples. The Shiite’s peaceful protests were met with violent oppression, and their revolution lacked support, mainly due to its strategic location; it’s home to the US 5th fleet and a close ally to Saudi Arabia, who quickly provided troops to save the ruling family.
Bahrain is of particularly vital interest to the Saudi monarchy for three main reasons. First of all, a regime change in the country would set a precedent for a Gulf monarchy, which would naturally be a a reason for concern. Second, the Bahraini Shi’a majority could have a strong influence on the eastern part of Saudi Arabia, which is a Shi’a-dominated area where protests have already taken place, and where two people were killed last week. Finally, a collapse of the Bahraini monarchy would be a strategic victory for Saudi Arabia’s rival – Iran – who could then use Bahrain to influence developments in the eastern part of the Saudi kingdom, heavily rich in oil.
Just as troublesome for the Saudi monarchy is the political situation in Kuwait. Kuwait’s Constitutional Court recently declared the February parliamentary elections null and void and replaced the Islamist-dominated Parliament with the previous government-friendly one. The cabinet has submitted its resignation in protest, and opposition members have in turn called the court’s decision “null and void.” Protests took place as thousands of civilians denounced what they considered a “coup.”
An Arab uprising in Kuwait or Bahrain, Saudi Arabia’s backyard, would pose a real threat to the aging Saudi monarchy, as those are rich, close allies to the Saudi family whose stability is a key factor in their ability to rule freely. The Saudi monarchy considers Kuwait a very close ally in the area; they are both members of OPEC and GCC. If Arab monarchies started crumbling as did the Mubarak, Ben-Ali, or Saleh regimes, the Arab Spring could truly become a bigger threat for any leader in the Arab world, and possibly beyond its borders.
This piece was oringally published on the blog, Global Observatory

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David Ottaway Seven months after an Islamist became prime minister for the first time in Morocco’s history, it remains as nebulous here as in Tunisia and Egypt what the Islamists coming to power really portends. It is a conundrum that Islamist-wary Western capitals and independent analysts are all struggling to fathom. In Morocco, King Mohammed VI has yet to yield any real authority under a new constitution, which requires him to pick the prime minister from the winning party of parliamentary elections won last November by the moderate Islamist Justice and Development Party (PJD). Its leader, Abdelilah Benkirane, now heads the government but is doing everything to avoid confrontation with the king. As a result, nothing of real substance has changed so far nor is it expected to anytime soon. “In Morocco, everything appears to change so that nothing really changes,” commented a prominent Moroccan news analyst, who asked to remain anonymous because of his current falling out with the king. In his view, Benkirane has served to “stop the Arab Spring in Morocco” and his party has played the role of the king’s “shock absorber” from pressures for real political reform. A common prediction is that Benkirane (an Islamist) will prove no more successful in turning Morocco to the right than was Abderrahmane Youssoufi (a socialist) in shifting it to the left after being called back from political exile in France by the late King Hassan to become prime minister in 1998. If Benkirane’s PJD does fail, the likely outcome is the rise of more militant Islamists already mobilizing in anticipation. King Mohammed VI has proven the most agile of the Arab world’s eight monarchs in responding to reform pressures generated by the popular uprisings of last year that toppled the three long-ruling autocratic leaders in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya. He stopped a widening protest movement in its tracks by rushing through a new constitution in four months, which was overwhelmingly approved in a referendum last July. He committed himself to appointing the prime minister from the winning party in national elections, widening parliament’s powers, and creating an independent judiciary. But the king still remains “supreme arbiter” in all spheres; he is head of the armed forces and the highest religious authority in the land bearing the title “Commander of the Faithful.” Whether he is a true reformer or just a master manipulator is yet to be seen. The new constitution requires, in theory, a lot of power-sharing between the king and prime minister; how this will work out, in practice, is the question of the day. Right now, there is a sense of calculated gamesmanship by both sides as they discuss new government appointments, Islamic measures for the media, and reform of the judiciary. Many of the constitution’s provisions still require “organic laws” that both the prime minister and the king must approve to take effect. “We are developing cooperation with the king step by step,” said Benkirane’s Minister of Communication Mustapha El Khalfi. “People think democracy will come as a result of conflict between the monarchy and the government. They are completely wrong. Democracy will be the result of cooperation between the two.” The PJD has a tenuous foothold in power. It holds only 107 out of 395 seats in the lower elected house of parliament and 11 out of 31 cabinet posts. The upper house, indirectly elected by municipal notables, is still dominated by the king’s supporters; new local elections will not be held until 2013. The PJD is also constrained by leading a coalition government that includes both ex-communists and pro-royalists. Still, unlike previous prime ministers, Benkirane has quickly proven a popular, telegenic figure. He makes monthly televised appearances before parliament, not only to answer questions but to defend and build support for his government, even its unpopular decisions. As a result, a recent 20 percent increase for a liter of gasoline provoked no street protests. Nor has a bill to assure amnesty to military personnel for abuses committed while on duty. El Khalfi pointed to some early PJD accomplishments in forging cooperation with the king starting with agreement on the appointment of senior government officials. The monarch would continue to name his choices for 40-odd “strategic positions,” but the PJD now has the right to fill 1,140 others. Together, they had also launched a new national health services program, benefiting 8.5 million poor Moroccans and financed by a one percent surtax on private companies’ earnings. There had also been agreement on cuts in operating budgets for all ministries that would help reduce the government’s deficit from 8.5 to 6 percent of GDP. The minister made no mention, however, of one embarrassing faux pas—his own attempt to change guidelines for state TV channels requiring notification of prayer time and more programs in Arabic at the expense of French and Spanish programs. When the king heard of the proposed changes, he reproached El Khalfi by appointing a new commission headed by a leftist minister unlikely to approve such changes. Meanwhile, more militant Islamist groups that have refused so far to participate in parliamentary elections are waiting to see this unprecedented experiment in royal-Islamist “cohabitation” fail. They are deemed by Moroccan and outside analysts a far more serious threat to the king than the youth-led, secular, pro-democracy February 20 Movement, whose widening street protests in early 2011 provoked the new constitution. Already, the Al-Adl wal-Ihsan (Justice and Spirituality) movement that rejects the king as Commander of the Faithful and hints at a “republic” to replace the monarchy is preparing for its entry into politics. Led by the reclusive, 83-year-old Sheikh Abdul Salam Yassin, the group mixes elements of Sufi mysticism, Salafi fundamentalism, and Muslim Brotherhood-style social activism. It is widely believed to have considerably more followers than Benkirane’s PJD but has eschewed any participation in the monarchy. This may be about to change.  “We are ready. It’s just a question of conditions,” said Omar Iharchane, head of the movement’s research center. Though al-Adl wal-Ihsan is officially outlawed, it was already a registered “political association,” according to Iharchane. It had internal structures in place ready to launch a political party and had demonstrated its political bent by quickly becoming the mainstay of the February 20 Movement. Al-Adl wal-Ihsan’s political clout was made clear last December when it withdrew from the pro-democracy movement and its momentum fizzled. Iharchane predicted Morocco was headed for a second uprising because of its “dire social and economic problems,” adding “we also see problems in the implementation of the new constitution in reality.” He implied that another outbreak of mass protests and PJD’s failure were the “conditions” al-Adl wal-Ihsan was awaiting to make its bid for power. Even more stridently ultra-fundamentalist Islamists, former “Salafi jihadists,” have begun reappearing in public wearing their singular long beards and short white robes. Another of King Mohammed’s gestures to the Arab Spring was the release from prison in April 2011 of three of their sheikhs. They had been implicated in the May 2003 bombings of five sites in Casablanca that killed 45 people, including 12 suicide bombers. Over 1,000 Salafis were subsequently arrested, and 700 are still in prison. One of the released sheikhs, Mohammed Fizazi, has talked openly of forming a Salafi party as has already happened in Egypt and Tunisia. But Anas Haloui, spokesman for the remaining Salafi detainees, doubted such a move was imminent. He noted there was no agreement among Morocco’s Salafi leaders about recognition of the king’s political or religious authority. Those who followed the Wahhabi traditions of Saudi Arabia, where the king is viewed as prime protector of the religious establishment, accepted Mohammed VI as “Commander of the Faithful.” Others did not, and some rejected the king in any role. Several Moroccan analysts said the Salafis were badly fragmented into as many as six groupings. “Maybe they will form a non-governmental organization first,” said Sanaa Karim, a religious affairs reporter for the PJD newspaper Attajdid. In any case, their numbers were only “some hundreds” and they had no hope of matching the success of Egypt’s Salafis, who won a surprising 28 percent of the vote in last year’s elections. “They have no common leader and no common ground,” she remarked. But this was also true of Egyptian Salafis. David Ottaway is a senior scholar at the Wilson Center who has recently returned from Morocco. This piece is an overview of his observations on Morocco’s Islamists.

  • 11 Marzo 2024
  • 7 minutes
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(Arabnews.com) RABAT: Morocco has become the latest victim of Europe’s debt crisis, as a slump in business with its main export partner and the costs of buying social peace amid Arab world uprisings are forcing the country to impose austerity measures in order to receive international financial assistance. Long a model of relative prosperity in northern Africa, Morocco had to seek help from the International Monetary Fund this month, winning a $ 6.2 billion precautionary credit line. The IMF says it offered the loan to help Morocco cope with fluctuating energy prices and the effects of Europe’s economic troubles. In exchange, the government promised to reform the pension system and a costly program of state subsidies for energy and staples, according to a letter published on the IMF website this week. Morocco’s state spending is at record highs, the deficit is soaring and its No. 1 trading partner — Europe — is flailing. The latest economic figures show that Europe is edging closer to recession, dragged down by the crippling debt problems of the 17 countries that use the euro. Europe’s stumbling economy is making it harder for other economies around the world to recover and policymakers are trying to reach agreement on more decisive action to deal with the debt crisis. Morocco’s tourism income is down 6.9 percent so far this year compared to last. Remittances from Moroccans abroad are down 2.5 percent, according to government figures. A drought and bad harvest this year, along with high oil prices, hurt this country that depends largely on imported energy. State reserves are only enough to buy 4 months’ worth of imports — down from 11 months’ worth in 2005, according to the central bank. Morocco’s government promises to “rationalize spending” and “optimize revenues,” the letter says. It includes measures such as linking public sector salaries to performance, targeting subsidies more efficiently and improving tax collection. Budget Minister Idriss Al Azami Al Idrissi tried to play down worries of major structural cuts. The credit line “is a protection against unpredictable shocks from the international situation, and obtaining it proves the solidity of the national economy,” he said in an interview with the Associated Press. The government pledges to bring deficit to 3 percent of GDP by 2016, compared to an expected 7 percent this year. That will be a challenge. Imposing spending cuts on a populace that saw nationwide protests last year poses social risks. After an uprising in Tunisia set off protests across the Arab world last year, Moroccans too took to the streets and demanded democratic reforms. King Mohamed VI called early elections and made changes to the constitution — and the government spent billions to raise public sector salaries and on subsidies for staples. Then the eurozone debt crisis made things worse. Economist Najib Akesbi says the IMF credit line is prompting long-needed structural reforms. Morocco’s revenues have been covering barely 60 percent of spending, he says. “The trade deficit and the drop in transfers by Moroccans abroad and in tourism oblige Morocco to borrow on international markets,” he said, when in the past the country could rely on domestic sources to raise money. He criticized recent policies of lowering taxes on business, seen as a sop to powerful special interests. “It’s a masochistic policy. Difficult times await Moroccans.” After winning the IMF loan, Morocco announced it will seek $1 billion in a bond issue in September. The finance minister told The AP that the country is tapping dollar bond markets for the first time because Europe’s markets look too risky. “We chose the dollar because we feel that there is a depth on these markets, and the interest rates are more attractive, at a moment when euro markets are preoccupied with the sovereign debt of eurozone countries,” Finance Minister Nizar Baraka said. “Thanks to the IMF precautionary credit line, Morocco is well placed to obtain financing in good conditions,” he added.

  • 11 Marzo 2024
  • 7 minutes

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